Bøker av United States Senate

"Cloning seems to be one of those words and concepts that seems to inspire a lot of dread in people, visions of an apocalyptic world marching lockstep. However, as is the case with many medical technologies, it is not cloning that is the problem, but some of its potential applications. For example, we are all concerned about the sale of human organs or the transplant of organs from executed prisoners, but few people argue that the solution to these potential problems is to ban organ transplantation. "The truth is that there is bad cloning and good cloning, I believe. Bad cloning is human cloning, the creation of carbon copies of whole human beings. Good cloning is nuclear transplantation to produce stem cells. "There is broad agreement across our society, in Congress and in the scientific, medical and religious communities, that we should ban human cloning. Such cloning is scientifically unsafe, morally unacceptable, and ethically flawed. "However, at least to me, it is also clear, and I think to the overwhelming majority of the scientific and medical community, that we should not ban nuclear transplantation to produce stem cells. Many doctors and scientists have argued that we must protect our ability to use cloning techniques to try to save and improve the lives of those ravaged by disease and other ailments. "In fact, nuclear transplantation offers enormous potential for providing cures to diseases such as cancer, diabetes, cystic fibrosis, and heart disease, as well as conditions such as spinal cord injuries, liver damage, arthritis, and burns. This technique could allow the creation of bone marrow for transplants to leukemia victims, islet cells for the pancreas of a diabetic, heart or liver tissue to repair the damage caused by heart attacks or hepatitis, healthy skin for grafts for burn victims, and many other potential cures and treatments for a variety of diseases and ailments. - Senator Dianne Feinstein

When the Special Committee began its work in January 1973, there was no basic study outlining the use of emergency powers in the United States from the time of the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention to the present. To fill this scholarly gap, we asked Dr. Harold Relyea of the Library of Congress to write a chronological history of the American government in times of emergency. This is a valuable study. The great crises of American history are highlighted; so are the mechanisms of administration by which the Federal Government--all three branches--met particular emergency situations. Especially significant are the experiences and legacies of Shay's Rebellion, the Civil War, labor strikes of the late 19th century, and both World Wars. The contemporary situation is more complicated. The United States has been in a state of national emergency since March 9, 1933. In fact, there are now in effect four Presidentially proclaimed states of national emergency. In addition to the banking emergency declared by President Roosevelt, there is also the national emergency proclaimed by President Truman on December 16, 1950, during the Korean conflict, plus the states of national emergency declared by President Nixon on March 23, 1970, and August 15, 1971. Concomitantly, especially since the days of the 1933 economic emergency, it has been Congress' habit to delegate extensive emergency authority--which continues even when the emergency has passed--and not to set a terminating date. The United States thus has on the books at least 470 significant emergency powers statutes without time limitations delegating to the Executive extensive discretionary powers, ordinarily exercised by the Legislature, which affect the lives of American citizens in a host of all-encompassing ways. This vast range of powers, taken together, confer enough authority to rule this country without reference to normal constitutional processes. These laws make no provision for congressional oversight nor do they reserve to Congress a means for terminating the "temporary" emergencies which trigger them into use. No wonder the distinguished political scientist, the late Clinton Rossiter, entitled his post-World War II study on modern democratic states, "Constitutional Dictatorship." Emergency government has become the norm. The Special Committee has undertaken a study of the states of national emergency in which we now find ourselves, and the plethora of emergency powers, including Executive Orders and other presidential directives, classified and unclassified, that Congress and the Executive have brought into being over the years. The Special Committee has also been examining the consequences of terminating the declared states of national emergency that now prevail; to recommend what steps Congress should take to insure that the termination can be accomplished without adverse effect upon the necessary tasks of governing; and, also, to recommend ways in which the United States can meet future emergency situations with speed and effectiveness but without relinquishment of congressional oversight and control. Dr. Relyea's study provides the Special Committee and the public an informative and useful background to the present quandry in which we now find ourselves.Frank ChurchCharles McC. Mathias, Jr.Co-Chairmen

CONTENTSI. Overview and Background A. Overview : Covert Action in Chile B. Issues C. Historical Background in Recent United States-Chilean RelationsII. The Range of Covert Action in Chile A. Covert Action and Other Clandestine Activities B. Covert Action in Chile: Techniques C. Covert Action and Multinational CorporationsIII. Major Covert Action Programs and Their Effects A. The 1964 Presidential Election B. Covert Action: 1964-1969 C. The 1970 Election: A "Spoiling" Campaign D. Covert Action Between September 4 and October 24, 1970 E. Covert Action During the Allende Years, 1970-1973 F. Post-1973IV. Chile: Authorization, Assessment, and Oversight A. 40 Committee Authorization and Control: Chile 1969-1973 B. Intelligence Estimates and Covert Action C. Congressional OversightV. Preliminary Conclusions A. Covert Action and U.S. Foreign Policy B. Executive Command and Control of Major Covert Action C. The Role of Congress D. Intelligence Judgments and Covert Operations E. Major Covert Action ProgramsAppendix. Chronology: Chile 1962-1975

A collection of scholarly, and lively essays from various authors on President Herbert Hoover, collected by Senator Mark O. Hatfield to mark the 50th anniversary of the inauguration of Hoover."Through publication of these essays, I sought to promote a more sophisticated understanding of this period, give further impetus to the reassessment of Mr. Hoover now under way in the American historical community, and try to acquaint the general public with something of Mr. Hoover's tremendous character and achievements." - Mark O. Hatfield, United States Senator