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This monograph focuses on Gnokholo, a precolonial province of Senegal that has long been landlocked because of its eastern position and inhabited by Mandingoans. The decline of the Malian empire in the 15th century has been confined to a situation of geographical marginality in the foothills of the mountains Of the Fouta Djalon. This book reconstructs the geography, history, economy, culture and social structures of the pre-colonial Gnokholo Kingdom. It fills a deficit insofar as social studies have neglected these populations considered as part of a minority culture. Written in a simple and clear style, this book is in keeping with the tradition of the work of Father Boilat. It is an anthropological collection of a body of knowledge revealing various aspects of the country and the inhabitants of the Gnokholo.Cette monographie porte sur le Gnokholo, une province du Sénégal précolonial longtemps enclavée du fait de sa position orientale et habitée par des Mandingues que le déclin de l'empire du Mali au XVe siècle a confinée dans une situation de marginalité géographique sur les contreforts des montagnes du Fouta Djalon. Cet ouvrage reconstitue la géographie, l'histoire, l'économie, la culture et les structures sociales du royaume de Gnokholo précolonial. Il vient combler un déficit dans la mesure où les études sociales ont négligé ces populations considérées comme participant d'une culture minoritaire.Ecrit dans un style simple et clair, ce livre s'inscrit dans la tradition des travaux de l'Abbé Boilat. C'est une collecte de type anthropologique d'une somme de connaissances révélant divers aspects du pays et des habitants du Gnokholo.Sadio Camara est un instituteur de formation. Il a enseigné dans les années qui ont précédé l'accession à l'indépendance. Mais vite l'homme abandonne son métier pour se consacrer entièrement à la lutte politique avec le PAI (Parti Africain de l'Indépendance). Il a occupé de hauts niveaux de responsabilité dans les instances dirigeantes de ce parti politique et a publié « Epopée du Parti Africain de l'Indépendance » (PAI-Sénégal) (1957-1980) paru à l'Harmattan - France en 2013.

CODESRIA, UNFEMMES and UNESCO, partner in research, the results of which for Senegal are set out in this book. It has been found that, despite their demographic weight, women are still marginalized in key sectors of the economy. Compared to men, they are less educated (often for cultural reasons), less paid, more likely to work in the informal sector, with a higher level of vulnerability and vulnerability. Faced with neoliberal globalization, they are the greatest victims of economic, financial and political crises. At the sociopolitical level, they continue to be subjected to multiple and multifaceted violence and are still very little involved in making decisions governing their lives and their society. Moreover, the social division of labor in households reinforces, more than ever, the invisibility of the tasks linked to their role of reproduction.Le CODESRIA, ONUFEMMES et l'UNESCO, partenaires dans la recherche dont les résultats pour le Sénégal sont exposés dans ce livre, ont choisi de mener les études dans trois pays anglophone, lusophone et francophone, qui, par leurs aventures coloniales et leurs évolutions politiques et institu- tionnelles, sont plus ou moins les représentatifs de l'Afrique de l'Ouest.Il a été constaté qu'en dépit de leur poids démographique, les femmes sont encore marginalisées dans les secteurs clefs de l'économie. Compa- rativement aux hommes, elles sont moins instruites, (souvent pour des raisons culturelles), moins rémunérées, plus nombreuses à travailler dans le secteur informel, avec un taux de précarité et de vulnérabilité plus important. Face à la mondialisation néolibérale, elles sont les plus grandes victimes des crises économiques, financières et politiques.Au plan sociopolitique, elles continuent à faire l'objet de violences multiples et multiformes et sont encore très peu à participer à la prise des décisions régissant leurs vies et leur société. Par ailleurs, la division sociale du travail dans les ménages conforte, plus que jamais, l'invisibilité des tâches liées à leur rôle de reproduction.

Here is a major book, a collective work that uncovers the historical foundations and scrutinizes the future prospects of one of the greatest intellectual, political and simply human adventures of the last six centuries: Panafricanism. The authors relive the milestones of the movement, its congresses, its founding fathers, their heirs, their successes, their errors, their disappointments, the historical links with powerful Asia. They remind us of examples of "commitments consistent with the Pan-African cause".Voici un livre majeur, un labeur collectif qui exhume les fondements historiques et qui scrute les perspectives futures de l'une des plus grandes aventures intellectuelles, politiques et tout simplement humaines des six derniers siècles : le Panafricanisme. Les auteurs nous font revivre les temps forts du mouvement, ses congrès, ses pères fondateurs, leurs héritiers, leurs réussites, leurs errements, leurs déceptions, les liens historiques avec l'Asie puissante. Ils nous rappellent des exemples « d'engagements consistants à la cause panafricaine ».Cet ouvrage passionnant est touffu en éclairages en pistes réfléchies pour l'élaboration d'une feuille de route ; en programmes concrets qui donneraient corps à l'idéal panafricain contemporain, pour mieux connaître le grand projet panafricaniste et ses enjeux actuels. Véritable mine d'or, ce livre insiste sur la nécessité de s'appuyer sur toutes les traditions et tous les héritages existants notamment le rôle historique des « intellectuels panafricains dissidents », des « cerveaux rebelles ». Un hommage vibrant complètement naturel est rendu au Grand Iroko, le très regretté Professeur Joseph Ki-Zerbo, auguste témoin super- actif de cette même All African Peoples Conference de décembre 1958, où l'on tentait hardiment déjà, contre vents et marrées, Les Dieux le savent, d'« édifier un nouveau nationalisme dont le [P]anafricanisme ferait partie intégrante comme carburant et pour lui donner un sens sur la base de nos identités multiples et de nos citoyennetés diverses ».

What are the issues shaping contemporary African peasant movements? Are they fundamentally democratic or anti-democratic? Are they defensive and local in their organization and aspirations or should they be seen as taking a leading role in a wider process of economic, social, and political transformation? Are they in the state's pocket or can they pose a threat to state power? And how do they fit in with other organs of African civil society, with overseas donor groups, and with imposed programs of structural adjustment? In this collection of important new research findings from all corners of Africa these questions and others are addressed while adding another dimension to the democratization debate: what of the real grassroots, the majority of Africa that is rural? Are modern rural peasant movements relevant to the debate at all or do they still only engage in what has been called "the politics of everyday politics," with the "weapons of the weak?"

The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, CODESRIA, held its 13th General Assembly, 5-9 December 2011, in Rabat Morocco. The theme of the scientific conference was: "Africa and the Challenges of the Twenty-first Century". Some of the reasons that influenced the choice of this theme were to do with how Africa should position itself in the new global political and economic order in the context of an increasingly complex neoliberal globalisation. Changes in intercultural relations at the global level, climate change, poverty, rapid urbanisation, the ICTs revolution, the emergence of a multi-polar world and the phenomenon of emerging powers of the South are some of the realities of our world that are widely and extensively discussed by both academics and policy-makers. This book contains the statutory lectures of the 13th General Assembly. Each one speaks to major challenges that African and the Global South are facing in this second decade of the Twenty-first Century: neoliberal globalisation, capital flight, the land question, gender relations, with a particular focus on matriarchy; and universalism.

Teacher education is vital for the realization of a nation's development aspirations. The conception, incubation and delivery of any national development policy, as well as the reform and implementation of extant policies, are driven by the quality of teachers and their products within a functional educational system. Indeed, national and global models of development, including the millennium development goals revolve round the frames of quality education, beginning with teacher education. It is therefore important to have functional teacher education systems in Africa to help its citizens explore the networking of the world as a global village. This is achievable through a systematic mobilization of national resources and visible commitment to the development of a modernized cadre of scientific and technological manpower. This book, Teacher Education Systems in Africa in the Digital Era is a rich exposition of theories and praxes essential for the development of teacher education in Africa. The book has immense benefits for teachers, teacher trainers, funding agencies, other stakeholders and policy makers.

The agrarian reform dynamics in southern Africa have to be understood within the framework of colonial land policies and legislation that were designed essentially to expropriate land and natural resource property rights from the indigenous people in favour of the white settlers. Colonial land policies institutionalised racial inequity with regard to land although conditions are not homogeneous there are broad themes that cut across the southern Africa region. Colonialism dispossessed and impoverished the people by taking away the most productive lands. Neoliberal globalization has undermined the people's wellbeing through direct influences on agriculture and rural economies in conjunction with policies promoted by national governments and international agencies. Another shared feature is to be found in the high rates of unemployment, poor returns to small-scale agriculture, lack of access to social services such as health and education all of which serve to erode existing livelihood activities and perpetuate relative and absolute poverty in rural areas.

This book revisits the perennial challenge that scholars, economists, and politicians have been grappling with since the 1960s. Development, in this book, has been defined in a context that projects it as a multidimensional and complex process which seeks to enhance the human, social, economic and cultural welfare of the people. This book calls for a rethinking of trade and industry for Africa's development. It uses data drawn from national development plans and strategies, and trade and industry issues have been prioritized at the continental level, in key policy documents. On the whole Africa's industry and trade performance have been poor in spite of national, regional, and continental plans. The contributors to this volume propose some alternative strategies and policies which are necessary for trade and industry to grow and to contribute to the well-being of Africa's people. It calls for a developmental trade and industry policy which, fundamentally, must be people-centred. African states should invest time, energy and resources to develop policies which will take into consideration African realities.The different contributors are aware that Africa has experienced strong economic growth in the recent past but this growth has largely been due to a strong demand for Africa's primary commodity exports. It has also been a result of increases in productivity and domestic investment and remittances from Africans living in the Diaspora. It is important to note that despite this unprecedented growth performance, the impact of trade and industry on development has been limited. The book argues that a structural transformation of Africa's economies is inevitable if Africa is to achieve the shift from the dominant paradigm of production and export of primary goods. The various contributors to this book agree that there is need to rethink policy and strategy in order to achieve industrial development in Africa. There is no unique solution or answer that can fit all situations as African countries are not the same. While Africa can draw lessons from other regions which have successfully industrialized, this book argues that policies and strategies will have to be adapted to country-specific situations and circumstances.

One of the major issues this book examines is what the African experience and identity have contributed to the debate on citizenship in the era of globalisation. This volume presents case studies of different African contexts, illustrating the gendered aspects of citizenship as experienced by African men and women. Citizenship carries manifold gendered aspects and given the distinct gender roles and responsibilities, globalisation affects citizenship in different way. It further examines new forms of citizenship emerging from the current era dominated by a neoliberal focus. This book is not exclusive in terms of theorisation but its focus on African contexts, with an in-depth analysis taking into consideration local culture and practices and their implications for citizenship, provides a good foundation for further scholarly work on gender and citizenship in Africa.

This annotated bibliography provides a summary of scholarly work on children and youth in Africa published between 2001 and 2011. It draws from journal articles, monographs, and book chapters. This rich resource for scholars presents publications with a wide range of approaches to child and youth studies. Some scholars question certain views of children especially when it comes to their own agency and full participation in socioeconomic production at the household level. The idea that children are vulnerable social subjects is the predominant view that shaped much of the research reported on in this volume. Western restrictions, on specific age limits, that govern children's participation in work or labour, whether paid or not, and the subsequent rights that go along with them are often not easily translatable to many African contexts. This creates a kind of separation between African and Western scholars in their study and understanding of children. The overwhelming focus of research published on HIV/AIDS and orphans, violence and child-soldiers, children's rights, and street children, demonstrates the continued interest regarding children as vulnerable and in need of adult protection. Focusing on the vulnerability of children in Africa appears to be a result of the construction of childhood in terms of modern (mostly) Western perceptions which are based on chronological age mainly. This book is very important for all scholars working on children and the youth in Africa.

The Fast Track Land Reform Programme implemented during the 2000s in Zimbabwe represents the only instance of radical redistributive land reforms since the end of the Cold War. It reversed the racially-skewed agrarian structure and discriminatory land tenures inherited from colonial rule. The land reform also radicalised the state towards a nationalist, introverted accumulation strategy, against a broad array of unilateral Western sanctions. Indeed, Zimbabwe's land reform, in its social and political dynamics, must be compared to the leading land reforms of the twentieth century, which include those of Mexico, Russia, China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Cuba and Mozambique. The fact that the Zimbabwe case has not been recognised as vanguard nationalism has much to do with the 'intellectual structural adjustment' which has accompanied neoliberalism and a hostile media campaign. This has entailed dubious theories of ëneopatrimonialismí, which reduce African politics and the state to endemic ëcorruptioní, ëpatronageí, and ëtribalismí while overstating the virtues of neoliberal good governance. Under this racist repertoire, it has been impossible to see class politics, mass mobilisation and resistance, let alone believe that something progressive can occur in Africa. This book comes to a conclusion that the Zimbabwe land reform represents a new form of resistance with distinct and innovative characteristics when compared to other cases of radicalisation, reform and resistance. The process of reform and resistance has entailed the deliberate creation of a tri-modal agrarian structure to accommodate and balance the interests of various domestic classes, the progressive restructuring of labour relations and agrarian markets, the continuing pressures for radical reforms (through the indigenisation of mining and other sectors), and the rise of extensive, albeit relatively weak, producer cooperative structures. The book also highlights some of the resonances between the Zimbabwean land struggles and those on the continent, as well as in the South in general, arguing that there are some convergences and divergences worthy of intellectual attention. The book thus calls for greater endogenous empirical research which overcomes the pre-occupation with failed interpretations of the nature of the state and agency in Africa.

Beginning from the early 1990s, Africa has experienced a wave of democratization. Some of the important issues that have come to fore in this process include ethnicity, belonging and citizenship. Minority and marginalized groups have also attracted attention. This study focuses on the sociopolitical integration of ethnic minorities in the new context of democratization in Cameroon. Its main concern is the impact of multiparty system and democratization on the lives of disenfranchised social groups, especially in relation to their participation in the political arena, and the effectiveness of the associations established to defend their interests. Democracy, as part of the development imperative, can only make a positive impact if it includes institutions that are capable of guaranteeing a level playing field between the parties in power and the oppositions. Therefore, democratization can only be meaningful if it provides African countries with workable solutions to people's problems, based upon the ethics of collective responsibility in the quest for social justice and the welfare of the entire population. This is only possible if ethnic minorities, social categories (including women and children) and disenfranchised social groups have the means to influence decisions that affect their existence and protect themselves against injustice. This book is a good resource material to scholars, researchers, students and others interested in the development of democracy in Cameroon and the West African sub-region.

This book is a product of collaborative research between the Institut de recherche pour le développement (IRD, France), the University of Ghana, Legon and CODESRIA. It examines various economic, social and environmental challenges of urbanization that critically affect the capital of Ghana, which has experienced high demographic growth and territorial expansion. This work analyses the Greater Accra city dwellers' residential practices, and focuses on two main factors influencing land and rental markets. On the one hand, it interrogates the constraints and dynamics of urban families, their needs and gender characteristics in terms of accommodation. On the other hand, it explores the opportunities and interests in investment on the part of land owners and real estate developers. At these two levels of describing the social and spatial discriminations, the book attempts to explain the difficult choices that this fragmented city faces. It emphasizes the role of mobility in structuring the metropolitan area, and the negative impact of lack of mobility which results in some households and communities suffering more than others. The book throws light on diagnostics and prospects in the matter of urban planning.

The book examines the prospects of a democratic developmental state in Latin American, African and Asian countries, collectively referred to in this work as the global South. Practically, the state refers to the political leadership. Within this context, it interrogates the politics of the state and the unresolved critical issues it has engendered in the state-development discourse such as the need to re-conceptualize the developmental state, democratization, elections, inclusion, indigenous entrepreneurial and business class, political parties and cooperation among the countries of the South. It looks into the need to re-centre the sought state in the development process of the Southern countries after over two and a half decades of embracing neo-liberal policies and economic reforms that, rather than transform, sank the adjusted economies into deeper political, social and economic crises. It contends that the capacity of the state to overcome the market and democratic deficits resides with its democratic credentials. Finally, it suggests strategies that could lead to the rise of a democratic developmental state in the South.