Bøker utgitt av ibidem-Verlag, Jessica Haunschild u Christian Schon

The USSR¿s dissolution resulted in the creation of not only fifteen recognized states but also of four non-recognized statelets: Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria. Their polities comprise networks with state-like elements. Since the early 1990s, the four pseudo-states have been continously dependent on their sponsor countries (Russia, Armenia), and contesting the territorial integrity of their parental nation-states Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova. In 2014, the outburst of Russia-backed separatism in Eastern Ukraine led to the creation of two more para-states, the Donetsk People¿s Republic (DNR) and the Luhansk People¿s Republic (LNR), whose leaders used the experience of older de facto states. In 2020, this growing network of de facto states counted an overall population of more than 4 million people. The essays collected in this volume address such questions as: How do post-Soviet de facto states survive and continue to grow? Is there anything specific about the political ecology of Eastern Europe that provides secessionism with the possibility to launch state-making processes in spite of international sanctions and counteractions of their parental states? How do secessionist movements become embedded in wider networks of separatism in Eastern and Western Europe? What is the impact of secessionism and war on the parental states? The contributors are Jan Claas Behrends, Petra Colmorgen, Bruno Coppieters, Nataliia Kasianenko, Alice Lackner, Mikhail Minakov, and Gwendolyn Sasse.

This book provides a new understanding of fictocriticism¿a genre stemming from metafiction, écriture feminine, and postmodernism¿via original creative and experimental writing devoted to the issue of the contemporary self, offering a reinvigoration of fictocriticism as a writing strategy.Cholewa explores questions surrounding what fictocriticism is and what it can do, and the essential paradox between theories surrounding fictocriticism suggesting how ¿freeform¿ it is, yet how non-freeform and chameleonic it still seems to be due to its lack of theoretical ¿rules¿. Evaluating fictocriticism as both an art form and as a vehicle for higher theory and criticism, he offers and proposes further academic attention across a plethora of sociocultural, artistic, scientific, educational, political, and historical fields.Propelled by the work(s) of Roland Barthes, the ¿godfather of fictocriticism¿, the ultimate goal of this research and text is to provide new and expanded reading tools that both explain the subjectivity and context of fictocritical writings and simultaneously innovate on the form.

Britain does not have a written constitution. It has rather, over centuries, developed a set of miscellaneous conventions, rules, and norms that govern political behavior. By contrast, Bosniäs constitution was written, quite literally, overnight in a military hanger in Dayton, USA, to conclude a devastating war. By most standards it does not work and is seen to have merely frozen a conflict and all development with it. What might these seemingly unrelated countries be able to teach each other? Britain, racked by recent crises from Brexit to national separatism, may be able to avert long-term political conflict by understanding the pitfalls of writing rigid constitutional rules without popular participation or the cultivation of good political culture. Bosnia, in turn, may be able to thaw its frozen conflict by subjecting parts of its written constitution to amendment, with civic involvement, on a fixed and regular basis; a ¿revolving constitution¿ to replicate some of that flexibility inherent in the British system. A book not just about Bosnia and Britain; a standard may be set for other plural, multi-ethnic polities to follow.

During the 1950s, Michael Randle helped pioneer a new form of direct action against nuclear war, based on the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. At the forefront of the British campaign, he worked closely with Peace News editor Hugh Brock (1914¿1985) and other distinguished ¿anti-nuclear pacifists¿ such as Pat Arrowsmith, April Carter, and Ian Dixon, serving as chairman of the Direct Action Committee against Nuclear War (1958-1961) and secretary of the Committee of 100 (1960-1961).In 1966, he helped ¿spring¿ the Russian spy George Blake from Wormwood Scrubs Prison. Thereafter, he campaigned vigorously on behalf of the Greek democratic opposition, conscientious objectors, and Soviet dissidents. He has always been a man of rare candor and singular energy and principles, even enduring imprisonment for his beliefs.Nowadays, Michael lives in Shipley near Bradford, where he continues to write as a respected expert on ¿people power¿. Martin Levy¿s interviews with Michael Randle introduce the reader to a tumultuous life that is nothing short of extraordinary.

2019 was a defining year for the radical right globally. From national and supranational elections that witnessed a surge in support for radical right parties to transnationally-inspired terrorist attacks in New Zealand, the USA, and Germany, the radical right is not just on the rise, but becoming an international mainstream phenomenon. The yearbook draws upon insightful analyses from an international network of scholars, policymakers, and practitioners who explore the processes and impact of the radical right. Beginning with reflections on the ideology and then historical perspectives of the radical right, the volume then turns to contemporary manifestations of movements and political parties as well as terrorism and the role of online spaces. It ends by examining various perspectives towards countering and challenging the radical right. This overview provides a widespread examination of the global radical right in 2019, which will be useful to scholars, students, policy makers, and the public.