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By mid-19th century, capitalism had replaced feudalism in many countries. Together with it the proletariat, the most progressive and consistently revolutionary class whose mission was to put an end to exploitation of man by man and establish a new, communist society, emerged on the historical scene. The proletariat''s liberation movement confronted science with the exceptionally important tasks of formulating a scientific theory that would help it accomplish its historic mission and become its ideological weapon in the fight against capitalism, for socialism and communism. Science fulfilled this insistent demand of history: the brilliant leaders of the working class and of all working people, Marx and Engels, evolved Marxism whose component and theoretical foundation is Marxist philosophy, dialectical and historical materialism

In the early-1870s, an ideological debate began to unfold in the German press on the shortage of affordable housing available to workers in major industrial areas. The rapid increase in industrial production necessitating an increase in industrial workers created a housing crisis. From June 1872 to February 1873, Fredrick Engels contributed a series of articles to the publication The Volksstaat (The People''s State) titled "The Housing Question." Originally published as a booklet by the Co-Operative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers in the USSR and out of print for many years, INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS is proud to make this text available - as workers yet again face almost insurmountable obstacles to finding affordable housing. As Engels wrote in 1872, "What is meant today by housing shortage is the peculiar intensification of the bad housing conditions of the workers as the result of the sudden rush of population to the big towns; a colossal increase in rents, a still further aggravation of overcrowding in the individual houses, and, for some, the impossibility of finding a place to live in at all." Fredrick Engels'' essays collected here as "The Housing Question" are just as relevant today, roughly 150 years after first written.

Dr. Cheddi Jagan charges in this book that American pressure was exerted upon the British authorities to remove forcibly a government which had been elected by an overwhelming majority on a "New Deal" reform program. In addition to the general emphasis of United States policy, Dr. Jagan cites concrete evidence. For example, shortly after the elections of March 1953, Congressman Donald L. Jackson, Re­ publican of California and a member of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, visited British Guiana as a guest of the Governor. On his departure, the Congressman declared that the colony lies within the strategic zone of the United States. This was also the main burden of editorial comment in the American press.

Years ago, the controlling view held that the response of the slaves in the United States to their bondage "was one of passivity and docility". That opinion, so decisive a part of the chauvinism afflicting the nation, is shown to be false in this book and in the material accumulated since its initial appearance has further substantiated this thesis; namely, that the African-American people, in slavery, forged a record of discontent and of resistance comparable to that marking the history of any other oppressed people.

This book presents the results of Prof. A. D. Speransky''s scientific investigations, including 46 illustrations, on the effects of disease in causing changes in the nervous system.Contrary to the general view that disease arises from the victory of an invading microbe over the defensive resources of the organism, the author argues that not only the course but the cause of the disease changes with every stage. It is a process depending on the interaction of many parts.Speransky''s work in neurophysiology was groundbreaking and is still an important contribution today if     one actually reads and studies his results.His research illustrates the fundamental problem of finding a means to create groupings of nerve combinations in the nervous system without causing a new source of irritation, such as is produced by surgical operation or the introduction of vaccines in the blood. He discusses in detail the valuable results attained in his experiments.

Sidney Finkelstein''s contribution to the understanding of music with Composer and Nation is unusual in some respects, and well worth presenting again to a new audience. Only rarely have recent music writers looked at long spans of history. With the proliferation of scholars and the ever-increasing historical detail available from their work, the task of compiling a one-volume history of music is formidable.Well written, and intended for both the amateur as well as the musician, this volume approaches a time span of 300 years, from 1700 to the present. The presentation avoids detailed analysis of works and does not aim at complete coverage of historical detail. Instead, Finkelstein surveys major details of what is usually called the modern era from an unpretentious sociological premise, namely that musical values and the relationship of the composer to society are reflected in the musical works. It follows then that the structure and texture of the work would reflect the composer''s view of society and that important musical events offer insight into contemporary social and historical currents. Finkelstein presents an outline of the era from the viewpoint of the musical sociologist.His lively writing style, in the best tradition of the amateur, and his observation post-removed from the usual musicological context make this new edition a welcome addition to musical and sociological literature.

Black Liberation/Red Scare is a study of an African American Communist leader, Ben Davis, Jr. (1904-64). Though it examines the numerous grassroots campaigns that he was involved in, it is first and foremost a study of the man and secondarily a study of the Communist party from the 1930s to the 1960s. By examining the public life of an important party leader, Gerald Horne uniquely approaches the story of how and why the party rose and fell. Ben Davis, Jr., was the son of a prominent Atlanta publisher and businessman who was also the top African American leader of the Republican party until the onset of the Great Depression. Davis was trained for the black elite at Morehouse, Amherst, and Harvard Law School. After graduating from Harvard, he joined the Communist party, where he remained as one of its most visible leaders for thirty years. In 1943, after being endorsed by his predecessor, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., he was elected to the New York City Council from Harlem and subsequently reelected by a larger margin in 1945. Davis received support from such community figures as NAACP leader Roy Wilkins, boxer Joe Louis, and musician Duke Ellington. While on the council Davis fought for rent control and progressive taxation and struggled against transit fare hikes and police brutality. With the onset of the Red Scare and the Cold War, Davis-like the Communist party itselfwas marginalized. The Cold War made it difficult for the U.S. to compete with Moscow forthe hearts and minds of African Americans while they were subjected to third-classcitizenship at home. Yet in return for civil rights concessions, African American organizationssuch as the NAACP were forced to distance themselves from figures such as Ben Davis. In1949 he was ousted unceremoniously (and perhaps illegally from the City Council. He wasput on trial, jailed in 1951, and not released until 1956, when the civil rights movement wasgathering momentum. His friendship with the King family, based upon family ties in Atlanta,was the ostensible cause for the FBI surveillance of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.COINTEL-PRO, the counterintelligence program of the FBI, which was aimed initially atthe CPUSA, made sure to keep a close eye on Davis as well. But when the civil rightsmovement reached full strength in the 1960s Davis''s controversial appearances at collegecampuses helped to set the stage for a new era of activism at universities.Davis died in 1964. According to Horne, the time has now come when he, along with his good friend Paul Robeson and W. E. B. DuBois, should be regarded as a premier leader of African- Americans and the U.S. Left during the twentieth century.

The history of Communists and American labor raises three questions. Were the Communists legitimate (or good) trade unionists? Were they an important influence in the labor movement? Were they good Communists? These questions involve matters that go beyond the history of Communists in the auto industry. Consequently, this work does not provide the last word on them. Yet, raising these questions has a point. It enables the expression of views on these questions that differ from others that have been written about Communists and labor and what assumptions lie behind this work. Finally, this book refutes some commonly held ideas about Communists and labor. The introduction also discusses several problems of method: the identification of Communists and the reliability of Communist sources and oral history.

At a time of ever-increasing Black awareness, the importance of men and women who have been influential in the forward movement of Black people must become an integral part of American history. Alphaeus Hunton, in the opinion of many, was such a person.  During 17 years as assistant professor of English at Howard University, he became actively involved on many fronts, identifying with the plight of the working class and seeing no contradiction between his scholarly pursuits and their deplorable conditions. It was the law of his life to give himself unstintingly. He resigned his post in 1943 to become Educational Director and subsequently Executive Secretary of the Council on African Affairs, the most important American organization in the ''40s and ''50s that dealt with the real issues in Africa. For refusing to reveal the names of the contributors to the Civil Rights Bail Fund, he served six months in prison. McCarthy harassment caused the Council to dissolve in 1955, and Dr. Hunton''s Decision in Africa was published in 1957, updated in 1960, and continues to be read by scholars and students in several languages. The Huntons went to Guinea in 1960 at the invitation of the Guinean government, then Ghana, where he worked for five years on the Encyclopedia Africana, which Dr. Du Bois initiated. Deported after the coup which ousted President Kwame Nkrumah, he settled in Zambia where he did research on the history of Zambia''s nationalist movements for President Kenneth Kaunda. His body lies under Zambian soil.