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The Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) brought together Peninsular Malaya with the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak. This Agreement afforded certain rights and obligations to these two states, notably in areas such as religion and language, financial autonomy, immigration, judicial autonomy, and finance and tax issues. However, since the signing of this foundational treaty, East Malaysians have become discontented. Key frustrations include a gradual erosion of the stipulated privileges by the federal government, persistent underdevelopment, as well as the perceived unequal distribution of petroleum revenue earned from these states. When Pakatan Harapan came to power in 2018, there were expectations from Sabah and Sarawak that the new administration would be committed to the restoration of East Malaysia's special position within the Malaysian Federation. In order to address long-standing tensions, Pakatan Harapan established a Special Cabinet Committee on MA63 to look for new ways of restoring East Malaysia's prerogatives. The Special Cabinet Committee managed to resolve seventeen out of twenty-one issues pertaining to the economy, finance and the judiciary. However, the most complex issues pertaining to the sharing of oil revenue were outstanding. One key outcome was that the Committee proposed a constitutional amendment to recognize Sabah, Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia as equal partners in the Federation. However, the proposed amendment did not garner the necessary two-thirds majority in parliament. A bloc of parliamentarians allied with the Gabungan Parti Sarawak--a coalition of Sarawak-based parties formerly aligned with ousted national coalition Barisan Nasional--abstained from voting. Since the advent of the Perikatan Nasional administration, the broader issue of East Malaysian rights has received little attention. It is likely that, rather than seeking to address the fundamental tensions between the Peninsula and East Malaysia, the current administration will seek to offer targeted benefits to elites from the region.

The introduction of the Multimedia Super Corridor in 1996 was due to the Malaysian government's initiative to tap into the ICT sector. While this move spearheaded Malaysia into the knowledge economy, digital media enabled the opposition and civil society to compete and break the government's monopoly over information flows.

Challenges facing Vietnam's export of fruits and vegetables to the Chinese market include technical barriers, long risk assessment periods, restrictions on products exported through official quotas to the Chinese market, and frequent changes in China's policy on border crossings.

Provides an in-depth study of a Sabah election. Traditional explanations prioritize the federal-state relationship in shaping Sabah politics. This collection challenges this paradigm, suggesting that politics in Sabah should be better understood as a reflection of conditions within Sabah - as Sabahans struggle to survive on Malaysia's periphery.

Focuses for the most part on the economic elements of COVID-19 in Indonesia. The volume considers both macro- and micro-economic effects across a variety of dimensions, and short- and long-term impacts. It constitutes the first comprehensive analysis of Indonesia's initial response to the crisis from an economic perspective.

Although Pakatan Harapan (PH) in Selangor has survived the national storm, its future performance remains uncertain. This year's political realignment, public opinion towards PN and the 2018 redelineation exercise where the number of Malay-majority seats has grown may hamper PH's ability to maintain its strong margin.

These essays began as a series of lectures commemorating the bicentennial of Thomas Stamford Raffles's establishment of a British Station. They draw on thirty-five years of archaeological investigations on and around Fort Canning, new readings of the Malay Annals, early Chinese records reporting Singapore, and Portuguese and Dutch records.

When a reluctant President Sukarno gave Lt Gen Soeharto full executive authority in March 1966, Indonesia was a deeply divided nation, fractured along ideological, class, religious and ethnic lines. Soeharto took a country in chaos, the largest in Southeast Asia, and transformed it into one of the "Asian miracle" economies-only to leave it back on the brink of ruin when he was forced from office thirty-two years later. Drawing on his astonishing range of interviews with leading Indonesian generals, former Imperial Japanese Army officers and men who served in the Dutch colonial army, as well as years of patient research in Dutch, Japanese, British, Indonesian and US archives, David Jenkins brings vividly to life the story of how a socially reticent but exceptionally determined young man from rural Java began his rise to power-an ascent which would be capped by thirty years (1968-98) as President of Indonesia, the fourth most populous nation on earth. Soeharto was one of Asia''s most brutal, most durable, most avaricious and most successful dictators. In the course of examining those aspects of his character, this book provides an accessible, highly readable introduction to the complex, but dramatic and utterly absorbing, social, political, religious, economic and military factors that have shaped, and which continue to shape, Indonesia.

Gen Z's protests have accomplished what has been elusive to prior generations of anti-regime movements and uprisings. They have severed the Bamar Buddhist nationalist narrative that has gripped state society relations and the military's ideological control over the political landscape, substituting for it an inclusive democratic ideology.

There exist numerous free-standing figurative sculptures produced in Java between the eighth and fifteenth centuries whose dress displays detailed textile patterns. This book argues the textiles represented on these sculptures offer a unique insight into the patterned splendour of the textiles in circulation during this period.

Threads of the Unfolding Web is essential reading for scholars, students and the general reader interested in Javanese history of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Little is known about the history of Java in this period, which witnessed the beginnings of major global economic, political, cultural and religious change. It was a time when Java saw the decline of the once powerful eastern Javanese kingdom of Majapahit, the rise of Muslim kingdoms on Java''s northern coast and the arrival of the first Europeans in the person of the Portuguese Tomé Pires in Java''s cosmopolitan ports."Stuart Robson''s expert English translation of the Tantu Panggĕlaran gives his readers ready access to this important work, which provides insight into how the author and his contemporary Javanese readers imagined the realities of the world in which they lived. We learn how they conceived the creation of this world and understood the relationship between the gods and men. Importantly, we learn also how they conceived a history of the foundation and spread of Bhairava Śivaite hermitages, shrines and temples. The work traces the history of this network from its origins in the vicinity of the Dieng plateau and the northern plains of Batang and Pekalongan to its subsequent expansion to the Tengger and Hyang Massifs of eastern Java. Hadi Sidomulyo''s impressive commentary, an amalgam of textual analysis and the survey of archaeological sites, is a model for the way in which further research of this sort might be conducted and underlines the urgent need for further archaeological surveys and the future excavation of archaeological sites." -- Professor Emeritus Peter Worsley, Indonesian Studies, University of Sydney"Ever since the dissertation of Th. Pigeaud was published in 1926, the Tantu Panggělaran has both intrigued and perplexed scholars of the cultural history of Java. Despite Pigeaud''s translation and copious notes much remained uncertain and his comments were not easily accessible except to readers of Dutch. Now, the publication of Threads of the Unfolding Web has breathed new life into studies of this rare exemplar of the literature of the "period of transition" in sixteenth century Java. This collaborative volume combines the skills of Stuart Robson, a senior in the field of translation from Old Javanese, and Hadi Sidomulyo, whose deep interest in the early history of Java combines attention to the inscriptional record with field work using GPS technology to locate and describe archaeological remains spread throughout Java. As a result you have before you a volume that illustrates the close linkages between a literary text describing the mythical foundations of the Śaiva ascetic communities of the Javanese Ṛṣi order and the geophysical coordinates of these communities as far as they can be traced today. This combination represents a giant leap forward for studies of the Tantu Panggělaran. We owe the authors a debt of gratitude for the years of work that lay behind the completion of this important volume."-- Thomas M. Hunter, Lecturer in South-Southeast Asian Studies, University of British Columbia

The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) is a free trade agreement involving major countries across the Asia Pacific region. This volume offers multi-dimensional insights into the CPTPP and its impact on Southeast Asia.

Vietnam is in the midst of one of the world's most rapid and intensive rural-to-urban transitions. In Hanoi, heritage preservation has gained significant policy attention. Parks and public spaces are urgently needed. Progress on a mass transit system has been slow. Regional integration is a challenge.

Discusses Vietnam's relations with ASEAN in the period from the early 1970s to mid-1990s. The book focuses on the evolution of Hanoi's view on ASEAN, from denial to integration in the organisation. Further, it reveals the reasons behind Hanoi's decision to join ASEAN in 1995.

Studies on Chinese influence in Southeast Asia predominantly focus on the Chinese state. This paper argues that Chinese non-state actors and their daily encounters with local communities in Southeast Asia deserve equal attention as these interactions evidently produce friction at both the society-to-state and state-to-state levels.

Anwar Ibrahim, Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, 1993-98, and Opposition Leader, 2008-15 and since March 2020, is associated with two lasting, seemingly contradictory images. The young Anwar as a radical Islamist for whom economics seemed not to matter, and as a pro-market reformer during the 1997 East Asian financial crisis.

In late February 2020, the Mahathir Mohamad-led Pakatan Harapan (Harapan, or Pact of Hope) government ended abruptly. Amidst ensuing confusion, Muhyiddin Yassin led defecting Harapan Members of Parliament, joined by UMNO and PAS, in an ad hoc Perikatan Nasional (PN, or National Alliance) coalition to form a ""backdoor government"".

The Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) is no stranger to coalition politics. It has a long history of working with others, both in government and in opposition. PAS sees its role as a unifier of the Muslim ummah. For PAS, creating Malay Muslim unity is not just an effective political strategy but also a religious obligation.

Since the first case of coronavirus was identified in Wuhan in December 2019, Indonesia has been assisting China in coping with the pandemic. In return, when the outbreak occurred in Indonesia, China also rendered support to its strategic partner. Overall, bilateral relations on the G-to-G level are amicable and even facilitate B-to-B contacts.

On 9 May 2018, Malaysia's Barisan Nasional (BN) government lost the country's 14th general election (GE14). Replacing it was the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, made up of four parties, three of which had had experience cooperating with each other for a decade.

Based on participant observation and first-hand interviews with key actors, this is the first academic book that looks at how Bersih operated within an authoritarian system that turned into a movement that aggregated the collective grievance of Malaysians and enabled Malaysian socio-political activism to force electoral reform.

The Singapore Lecture series is a unique public platform for world leaders and experts visiting Singapore that reflects the city-state's role as a global hub of ideas and diplomacy. The 21 lectures chosen for this 40th anniversary volume chart the fundamental changes in the global economy and the inter-state system in Southeast Asia.

Examines the role of social media in the past two decades in Southeast Asia. The book traces the emergence of social media discourse in Southeast Asia, and its potential as a ""liberation technology"" in both democratizing and authoritarian states.

The wide-ranging challenges of living with Myanmar are the subject of this volume. Each other offers a different perspective on the socio-political and economic mutations occurring in the country and the challenges that still remain.

The wide-ranging challenges of living with Myanmar are the subject of this volume. Each other offers a different perspective on the socio-political and economic mutations occurring in the country and the challenges that still remain.

Joergen Moeller's previous book discussed the impact of technology, dehumanization and values on politics and economics. In this book, he takes his analysis a step further. The cocktail of capitalism, globalization and technology has turned toxic, causing disruption in the global economy and societal structures.

Examines how the Indonesian Ministry of Religious Affairs has been managed under President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) from 2014 to the present. The book highlights similarities and differences in Jokowi's control of the influential ministry compared to his predecessors.

Findings from a recent survey done to identify the barriers and benefits of e-commerce for Malaysian SMEs in the retail and food and beverage services indicate that both e-commerce adopters and non-adopters are similar in that they perceive the CEO or decision-maker to be the most important factor in the adoption of e-commerce.

Born with motor impairment, Sarwono Kusumaatmadja grew up with low self-esteem. Yet, within this awkward, shy boy lay a steely resolve to overcome his weaknesses. In taking on all the opportunities that came his way, Sarwono remained true to himself, which later meant saying no to President Soeharto.