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This book develops a Credo for honorable entrepreneurs dedicated to freedom and general human flourishing, based on work by Aristotle and the giants of moral, political, and economic thinking. It explores how entrepreneurs can prevent a separation of the honorable and the useful, a moral challenge faced by leaders in all parts of society.

This book provides theory and empirical research on entertainment media's effects on political perspectives. Included are experimental and survey research on the impact of shows such as Game of Thrones, House of Cards, and The Colbert Report, the genre of science fiction, and villain and leader character types.

In Adulthood, Morality, and the Fully Human, John J. Shea describes an adult, moral, and fully human self in terms of integrity and mutuality. Those who are fully human are caring and just. Violence is the absence of care and justice. Peacethe pinnacle of human developmentis their embodiment. Integrity and mutuality together beget care and justice and care and justice together beget peace. Shea shows the practical importance of the fully human self for education, psychotherapy, and spirituality. This book is especially recommended for scholars and those in helping professions.

Challenging Reproductive Control and Gendered Violence in the Americas: Intersectionality, Power, and Struggles for Rights utilizes an intersectional Chicana feminist approach to analyze reproductive and gendered violence against women in the Americas and the role of feminist activism through case studies including the current state of reproductive justice in Texas, feminicides in Latin America, raising awareness about Ni Una Ms and anti-feminicidal activism in Ciudad Jurez, and reproductive rights in Latin America amidst the Zika virus. Each of these contemporary contexts provides new insights into the relationships between and among feminist activism; reproductive health; the role of the state, local governments, health organizations, and the media; and the women of color who are affected by the interplay of these discourses, mandates, and activist efforts.

In this book, Jerome Carroll draws on the epistemological, ontological, and methodological aspects and implications of anthropological holism to read the philosophical significance of classical twentieth century anthropology through the lens of eighteenth century writings on anthropology.

This book analyzes the use of animal imagery in children's literature produced by British writers. It encapsulates the agenda of consciously training British children through underscoring resources and fauna in India pursued by the British society in the nineteenth century Victorian England.

This book details the unintended financial and performance consequences of governance fragmentation resulting from Milwaukee's private school voucher policy. It examines this policy through the lens of public administration, presenting a framework on how to reassert democratic accountability in complex public-private governance networks.

This book offers an exhaustive overview of the different political, social, and intellectual circumstances that paved the way for the inception of sustainable development. It offers in-depth analyses of economic globalization, current society-environment relationships, and global trade.

The book examines civil-military relations in key Middle Eastern and South Asian Islamic states. Specifically it analyzes how the endurance of authoritarianism in Algeria, Egypt, Pakistan, and Turkey is affected by international influence on the political development of these states.

This book examines the creative and critical works of Nigerian playwright and novelist Femi Euba to demonstrate the place and function of African cultures in modernity. The author makes the case for the vibrancy of such cultures in the shaping and constitution of the modern world.

David's Politics evaluates what we can learn about politics by studying David's life as presented in the Books of Samuel through the first two chapters of 1 Kings. I begin by discussing the rules for kingship set forth in Deuteronomy and carry this through to the elders' demand that the prophet Samuel appoint a king. Despite his reluctance he appoints Saul, who has many military successes. But when he fails when he fails to annihilate the Amalekites God withdraws his grace and Saul falls into a state of depression, which grows worse as the story progresses.David is called to Saul's court as a musician. I argue that he has three roles, first as a servant to King Saul, second as a rebel against Saul, and third as king. As a servant to Saul, David establishes his credentials as a warrior and also becomes the king's son-in-law. As a rebel against Saul, David again takes actions that solidify his future support in Israel and Judah. David has two opportunities to kill Saul, but refuses to kill him. He also cements his political support in Judah.After becoming king, David's military successes are the prime reason for his support. He also administered justice, which may have further bolstered his legitimacy. Indeed, David did what was right ';all the days of his life, except in the matter of Uriah the Hittite' (1 Kings 15:5). By committing adultery with Bathsheba, Uriah's wife, and by having Uriah murdered, David brings grief upon himself and his family: the rape of his only named daughter, the murder of Amnon, his first-born son and the death in battle of Absalom, who is probably David's oldest surviving son. Throughout most of this account David displays remarkable political sagacity, and more can be learned studying his life than that of any other king of Israel or Judah.

The line between criminal and terrorist groups is often blurred, and Chechen groups are an excellent example of this new phenomenon. As the Soviet Union collapsed, groups began to fill the cracks offering services that the state could not. The Chechens were one group that outrivaled many groups, and they soon became synonymous throughout the Russian Federation with criminal. This work looks into the historical, social, and religious reasons behind the rise of militant Islam in the region.From there, it will discuss the historical difference between organized crime and terror, how the two have coalesced into the crime-terror nexus, and how the Chechens compare to two other groups that have gone through the same evolution: The Sicilian mafia, and the militant Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, or IMU. Though neither group are exactly the same, there are links that can help the reader understand the domestic and foreign problems that twenty-first century nation-states deal with throughout the world.

This book clarifies the musical dramaturgy of comedy writer and musician Luiz Carlos Martins Penna (1815-48) a notion that encompasses both the theatrical text and its performance. The corpus for this analysis is composed of twelve comedies by Martins Penna written between 1833 and 1846, divided into three groups, which I have called Lundu, Aria, and Alleluia. The sound universe made up by the three groups of comedies covers African-Brazilian genres and musical-choreographic styles (batuque, fado, lundu, miudinho, muquiro), the transnational urban popular universe (lundu, tirana, quadrilha, marcha, waltz, caxuxa, tonadilla, polka), and modinhas and Italian opera, in addition to romantic concertos, Gregorian chant and Iberian religious theater (loas).To evaluate the multiple meanings acquired by the musical allusions inserted into the comedy texts and theatrical performances, this research reveals the network which included the author, actors, theater owners, publishers and the public, and other agents, such as black Catholic irmandades (brotherhoods), Freemasonry, and institutions linked to the imperial government. The sound universe of the comedies of Martins Penna are compared to the comedic axes of the Western theatrical tradition (a study of situations and characters) and the axes of performance (solo and chorus), contemplating the relationship between the repertoires written by Martins Penna and the repertoires of Brazilians and Portuguese artists, a mix of actors, singers and dancers, who performed in his comedies.The research questions the notion of authorship and reveals the importance of the partnership between theatrical writers, artists and publishers, through which the comedies of Martins Penna have reached the second half of the nineteenth century through the present.

Introduced in 1894 as a treatment for a deadly childhood disease, the diphtheria serum stands as a milestone in pharmaceutical history. Diphtheria Serum as a Technological Object: A Philosophical Analysis of Serotherapy in France 1894-1900 considers the production and use of this serum in France, analyzing the drug in terms of a technological object. To do this, Jonathan Simon draws on the philosophy of technology, exploring the application of this approach to medical drugs and suggesting how such an analysis can in turn contribute to this domain of philosophy. Starting with the manufacture of the serum from horses' blood, Simon then considers the processes involved in transforming the blood serum into a legal medical drug and establishing its efficacy as a treatment against diphtheria. The book looks at the place the drug assumed in French society at the time, as well as the legal and political implications of its manufacture and use. All these elements are deployed to characterize a specifically French serum, as the author argues that the constitution of the drug in its full sense is not only technical but also social, political, and legal. Considering the serum as technological object facilitates a philosophical reflection on the nature of medical drugs in general by means of a thorough analysis of this particular historical example. The insights offered in this book will be of interest to students and scholars working on the philosophy of technology, particularly the medical sciences, as well as to historians of medicine, particularly those interested in the history of pharmacy.

Performance-Based Funding in Higher Education examines the touted aims of higher education policies over the past thirty years. The focus on job creation and increased graduation rates has distracted educators, students, and surrounding communities from an educator's traditional and valued role as the promoter of democracy and critical citizenship. Letizia contends that institutions of higher education must redirect and promote their policies so that this aim is achieved and acknowledged. Recommended for scholars of education, sociology, political science, and philosophy.

Connecting with Constituents explores speeches delivered at national nominating conventions from historic, strategic, and analytic perspectives. Focusing on the strategies speakers use to appeal to particular facets of the American audience, this book illustrates the importance of nominating conventions as part of an ongoing national conversation about the political character of the country and its people. The individual chapters focus on different types of convention orations, including keynote speeches, acceptance addresses by presidential and vice presidential nominees, orations by the candidates' wives, and addresses by other surrogate speakers. Each chapter provides a brief history of a particular type of oration, an explication of speakers, speeches, and contexts from the RNC and DNC between 1980 and 2008, and an in-depth comparative analysis of 2012 Republican and Democratic speeches. The book demonstrates how candidates and those speaking on their behalf employ strategies (such as telling personal stories, using jokes, offering intraparty appeals, acclaiming accomplishments, and framing the opponent in particular ways) to alter how citizens build, or fail to build, personal connections with the speakers, the parties, and their nominees. These analyses reveal more than simply how speakers and speechwriters persuade audience members; they show how would-be leaders view their potential constituents. They also highlight key social, historical, and political changes in the nation.Connecting with Constituents blends historic anecdotes, excerpts from numerous speeches, and insights from political communication studies in a manner that engages the interests of anyone seeking to understand the relationship between political candidates, their speeches, and the people they wish to lead.

Old Stories Retold explores the ways modern Chinese narratives dramatize and embody the historical sense that links them to the past and to the Chinese literary tradition. Largely guided by Walter Benjamin's discussions of history, G. Andrew Stuckey looks at the ways Chinese narrative engages a historical process that pieces together fragments of the past into new configurations to better serve present needs. By examining intertextual connections between separate texts, Stuckey seeks to discover traces of an "e;original,"e; whether it be thought of as the past, history, or tradition, when it has been rewritten in modern and contemporary Chinese fiction. Old Stories Retold shows how the articulation of the past into new historical configurations disrupts accepted understandings of the past, and as such, can be intentionally pitted against modernist historical knowledge to resist the modernist ends that this knowledge is mobilized to achieve.

There has been little examination of the China policy of the Theodore Roosevelt administration. Works dealing with the topic fall either into brief discussions in biographies of Roosevelt, general surveys of Sino-American relations, or studies of special topics, such as the Chinese exclusion issue, which encompass a portion of the Roosevelt years. Moreover, the subject has been overshadowed somewhat by studies of problems between Japan and the United States in this era. The goal of this study is to offer a more complete examination of the American relationship with China during Roosevelt's presidency. The focus will be on the discussion of major issues and concerns in the relationship of the two nations from the time Roosevelt took office until he left, something that this book does for the first time. Greater emphasis needs to be placed on creating a more complete picture of Teddy Roosevelt and China relations, especially in regard to his and his advisers' perceptual framework of that region and its impact upon the making of China policy. The goal of this study is to begin that process.Special attention is paid to the question of how Roosevelt and the members of his administration viewed China, as it is believed that their viewpoints, which were prejudicial, were very instrumental in how they chose to deal with China and the question of the Open Door. The emphasis on the role of stereotyping gives the book a particularly unique point of view. Readers will be made aware of the difficulties of making foreign policy under challenging conditions, but also of how the attitudes and perceptions of policymakers can shape the direction that those policies can take. A critical argument of the book is that a stereotyped perception of China and its people inhibited American policy responses toward the Chinese state in Roosevelt's Administration. While Roosevelt's attitudes regarding white supremacy have been discussed elsewhere, a fuller consideration of how his views affected the making of foreign policy, particularly China policy, is needed, especially now that Sino-American relations today are of great concern.

Christoph Luetge takes on a fundamental problem of contemporary political philosophy and ethics. He questions the often implicit assumption of many contemporary political philosophers according to which a society needs its citizens to adopt some shared basic qualities, views or capabilities (here termed a moral surplus). Luetge examines the respective theories of, among others, Habermas, Rawls, Gauthier, Buchanan, and Binmore with a focus on their respective moral surpluses. He finds that each moral surplus is either not necessary for the stability of societies or cannot remain stable when faced with opposing incentives. Binmore's idea of empathy is the only one that is, at least partly, not confronted with this dilemma. Luetge provides an alternative view termed order ethics, which weakens the necessary assumptions for modern societies and basically only relies on mutual advantages as the fundamental basis of society.

In 1951-52, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization established the Southern Flank, a strategy for the defense of the eastern Mediterranean in the Cold War involving Italy, Greece, and Turkey. Among its many aims, the Southern Flank sought to mobilize these countries as allies and integrate them into the Western defense system. Throughout the 1950s, the alliance developed the Southern Flank and in 1959 it was finally stabilized as fractious Greek-Turkish relations were improved by the temporary settlement over Cyprus.The Southern Flank of NATO, 19511959: Military Strategy or Political Stabilization examines, among other things, the initial negotiations of 1951-52, the Southern Flank's structure and function and relative value in NATO's overall policy, and the alliance's response to the challenges in the eastern Mediterranean in the early Cold War. It explores not only the military aspects of the Southern Flank, but also the more controversial political aspects: the admission of Greece and Turkey to NATO, the short-lived military cooperation between these states and Yugoslavia during 1953-55 and the effects of the deterioration in Greek-Turkish relations from 1955 due to Cyprus. It also focuses on the part played by other major members of the alliance, principally the United States and Britain, in Southern Flank politics and strategy. Thus, it considers how the United States and the U.K. viewed the power balance between the three Southern Flank members and how the Americans sought to influence affairs through financial, military and technical assistance, including the construction of U.S. bases in Italy, Greece, and Turkey.The book also assesses the threat posed to the Southern Flank at various points by rising tensions in the Middle East. More generally, the book illuminates the complexities of intra-alliance dynamics in a region full of Cold War tensions. However, in its Middle Eastern/Eastern Mediterranean neighborhood, it was not only the Cold War that provided tensions, since the Arab-Israeli dispute and the tensions of decolonization further complicated the picture. Thus, the study of the Southern Flank is a test case of a Cold War theater which was subjected to additional historical pressures, creating a nexus of problems which the Western Alliance needed to address within its effort to respond to the various challenges of the Cold War.

This book examines the democratic ideas of Michael Manley, Jamaican prime minister from 1972 to 1980, and again from 1989 to 1992, during his government in the 1970s. Manley wrote three books during or about that period, The Politics of Change, A Voice at the Workplace, and Jamaica: Struggle in the Periphery. The first two laid out his policy ideas regarding egalitarian democratic change and economic democracy, and the third reprised those ideas and assessed their implementation and the obstacles they faced during the eight and a half years Manley served as prime minister. While Manley was seen as a socialist firebrand, a close examination of his ideas reveals a democratic nationalist whose motivation was love of country and a desire to promote national self-confidence and egalitarianism within the framework of liberal democracy and a reformed capitalism.

This book is an outgrowth of critical examination of Western political theory embedded in Western-centrism and the tumultuous ideational processes by which contemporary Korean political theory and reality have intensely interacted (both in convergent and divergent ways) with it. To conduct such examination the book addresses complex and variegated questions regarding Western-centrism: What is Western-centrism? How is Western-centrism to be compared and contrasted with other forms of centrism such as Sinocentrism, capitalism (bourgeois-centrism), patriarchy (male-centrism), and racism (white-centrism)? How has Western-centrism evolved in world history and in the history of Western political thought? How has Western-centrism shaped the evolution of contemporary Korean political thought? What kinds of ill effects has Western-centrism brought about in Korean society and academia? And, ultimately, how can Western-centrism be overcome?

Embracing Epistemic Humility: Confronting Triumphalism in Three Abrahamic Religions builds a case that encourages advocates of world views, especially the children of AbrahamJews, Christians and Muslimsto embrace an attitude of epistemic humility toward their world views and thereby defeat the triumphalism which, on the contemporary scene, has infected the world views of all too many in the Abrahamic tradition. Triumphalists see their world view as the ultimate repository of spiritual truth: all other world views are inferior and their adherents need to be converted forcefully, or silenced, or destroyed to prevent their cancerous views from metastasizing.Embracing such epistemic humility is not only the antidote to triumphalism but it is also a powerful motivator to transform world view competitors into comrades engaged in a struggle to combat evil and to promote human flourishing.

Naked Politics: Nudity, Political Action, and the Rhetoric of the Body by Brett Lunceford, examines the rhetorical power of the unclothed body as it relates to protest and political action. This study explores what the disrobed body communicates, and how others are invited to make sense of this display. The actions examined range from grassroots protests to those of professionalized social movement organizations. Specifically, Lunceford examines PETA and the use of chained women and the Running of the Nudes; lactivists, or women engaging in public breastfeeding as protest action in both online and physical space; the World Naked Bike Ride's worldwide protest against oil dependency and attempt to raise awareness of the vulnerability of cyclists; and a contest held on College Humor that invited women to write their preferred presidential candidate on their exposed breasts and send the picture to them to post on the site. Although these actions may seem to have little in common beyond their use of body exposure, they all share the notions that something can happen when you take your clothes off and that the act of disrobing can have social and political consequences. Moreover, these groups illustrate the often paradoxical views of the exposed bodyby both the participants and the observersand how such bodies operate in the public sphere. Even when the voice is silent, the body still speaks; Naked Politics considers what is being said.

This book outlines the generalist approach to conflict resolution. The approach was inspired by the generalist approach to social work but has now emerged in the fields of conflict resolution and peace studies. Essentially, the approach considers conflict resolution practice and scholarship very broadly. Generalist scholarship and practice are contrasted against specialized ways of conducting conflict resolution, whereby practitioners become well versed in one mode of practice or a specific theoretical orientation to scholarship. Several theories provide a foundation for this inclusive approach: conflict transformation, eco-systemic scholarship, the strengths perspective, and a new theory of social conflict, the theory of differences.The generalist approach is intended to provide a way for conflict resolution and peace studies scholar-practitioners to help diverse parties address complex conflicts at various levels (personal to international). Generalist scholar-practitioners assist parties to comprehensively and holistically address these conflicts, in a multi-layered, multi-level fashion, but they must be comfortable with ambiguity, monitor intervention complexity, and give parties control over how their conflicts are addressed. Ultimately, this may make parties more committed to their conflict interventions and outcomes.

In Shifting Perceptions of Migration in Senegalese Literature, Film, and Social Media, Mahriana Rofheart proposes a revised understanding of Senegalese migration narratives by asserting the importance of both local and global connections in recent novels, hip-hop songs, and documentary videos. Much previous research on migration narratives in French from Africa has suggested that contemporary authors often do not consider their countries of origin upon departure and instead focus on life abroad or favor a global perspective. Rofheart instead demonstrates that today's Senegalese novelists and hip-hop artists, whether living in France or Senegal, express connections to communities both in Senegal and abroad to cope with the traumatic experience of emigration and return. Ultimately, Rofheart asserts that Senegalese national identity remains significant to the way these authors and artists respond to migration.In her examination of novels in French, hip-hop songs in French and Wolof, and online documentaries, as well as the social and economic currents that influence the texts' production and circulation, Rofheart engages with scholarship on transnationalism, postcolonialism, popular culture, and new media studies. The study's initial chapters address well-known works from the mid-twentieth century, including Cheikh Hamidou Kane's Ambiguous Adventure, as well as the films of Ousmane Sembene, and Djibril Diop Mambety. This book then demonstrates how novelists such as Aminata Sow Fall and Fatou Diome, as well as hip-hop artists including Simon and Awadi, break with previous tragic depictions of migration in novels and films to present successful responses to the contemporary context of frequent emigration from Senegal.

Japan's Backroom Politics is the translation of a classic study of the rough and tumble of Japanese politics and conservative party factions in the first two decades of postwar Japan. The original book, published in 1967, was written by the preeminent political writer at the time, Watanabe Tsuneo, who later became the controversial owner of the Yomiuri Shimbun. The book was written when a generational change was occurring in Japanese politics after several of the early party leaders had passed away, including his political mentor, Ono Bamboku. Comprising ten chapters, including a comprehensive preface on the author, Japan's Backroom Politics discusses in great detail the history of and personalities within the near-dozen factions and sub-factions that existed at the time. He introduces the resiliency of factions within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, noting the role of money, influence, party presidency, and the chance at the premiership, among other factors, which subsequent commentators and scholars have elaborated on. Moreover, using extensive data and a penetrating analysis, Watanabe provides a historical as well as an international comparison of Japanese factions, making predictions about the future of Japanese politics.

Reading the Islamic City offers insights into the implications the practices of the Maliki school of Islamic law have for the inhabitants of the Islamic city, the madinah. The problematic term madinah fundamentally indicates a phenomenon of building, dwelling, and urban settlement patterns that evolved after the 7th century CE in the Maghrib (North Africa) and al-Andalusia (Spain). Madinah involves multiple contexts that have socio-religious functions and symbolic connotations related to the faith and practice of Islam, and can be viewed in terms of a number of critiques such as everyday lives, boundaries, utopias, and dystopias. The book considers Foucault's power/knowledge matrix as it applies to an erudite cadre of scholars and legal judgments in the realm of architecture and urbanism. It acknowledges the specificity of power/knowledge insofar as it provides a dominant framework to tackle property rights, custom, noise, privacy, and a host of other subjects. Scholars of urban studies, religion, history, and geography will greatly benefit from this vivid analysis of the relevance of the juridico-discursive practice of Maliki Law in a set of productive or formative discourses in the Islamic city.

William L. Newell presents a comprehensive analysis of Rene Girard's work on the origins of culture and the depths of human desire. Girard makes no claim toward a theory of religion, but he lays the groundwork for a postmodern theory of it. Girard's desire concerns fallen humanity, those insanely imitating what they lacked, and his use of the Bible brings back into play the idea of the holy in secular academia. Newell challenges Girard's interpretation of Jesus's Passion as non-sacrificial and he offers a close reading of Girard's works on mimetic desire, scape-goating, and sacrifice, and Newell creates breakthrough theology on Jesus in the Excursus. Girard makes no claim to having a theory of religion, but he lays the groundwork for a postmodern theory of it, and in this book, Newell seeks to begin a theory of ';the end of the sacred' and what will be in its place: the holy.

In modern life, we often hear people say things like, 'Catholics don't believe in using birth control.' There are many reasons that we want to know what groups of people (such as Catholics) are thinking and doing. But it's hard to understand which social situations are being described by such statements. It's also difficult to understand what speakers believe when they make such statements (even when the speakers are social scientists.) In this work, cognitive scientist and philosopher Todd Jones looks at the different things that social scientists and ordinary speakers mean when they make statements ascribing beliefs or actions to groups, rather than individuals. Such statements are often denigrated as mere stereotypes or generalizations. Yet they are also used by people to strategize about what actions to take, and even for social scientific explanations. In this work, Jones takes a detailed look at the different things these kinds of statements about groups can mean, and the various social structures they correspond to. He also looks at how such statements can and can't be used to successfully explain the behavior of individuals or groups. While many people broadly dismiss such statements about groups, Jones gives a careful discussion of the problems and possibilities such statements have.