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Millions of adult Americans will fondly remember such entertaining movies as Carousel, The Jackpot, and There's No Business Like Show Business. Phoebe and Henry Ephron, who wrote the screenplays for these and other films, were a unique team in that they used their special talents, working with dozens of great names of screen and stage, to create everything from the comic to the somber under circumstances both humorous and quite the opposite.Whether they were working on a Carousel, starring Shirley Jones and Gordon MacRae or a new What Price Glory, or Fred Astaire's Daddy Long Legs, the Ephrons were always learning something new and exciting about a magical assortment of people (Henry remembers the famous director John Ford the day he was faulted by his producer for being two days behind in shooting a film. He tore up six pages and said: "Tell the SOB I'm six days ahead!")This is also a story of the thirty-seven-year marriage of two people who started out with very little, realized their dreams of having a play produced on Broadway, and then went to Hollywood, where they wrote major scripts for some of the biggest stars. Woven throughout the story is the family element of raising four daughters in the make-believe atmosphere of Southern California.As the two Ephrons worried about the work they'd done on one major script, the make-believe turning into a glorious reprieve when it was reported to them that Darryl Zanuck had just told a friend, "I'll never know how the Ephrons took that old chestnut and turned it into this great screenplay."Here, a professional storyteller is at his best in a personal narrative which also brings onstage a fascinating supporting cast.

Inside the billion dollar breeding industry that rules racing today.

Behind the commune movement today lies an impulse for a simpler, less harried existence that has its roots deep in American history. During the last hundred years, California has contributed to the Utopian heritage more colonies than any other American state. From varied backgrounds-religious, secular, co-operative, socialistic, Theosophical, Marxian-each new society experimented with marriage, the raising of children, education, work, religion, or government.

Diane Wood Middlebrook draws on her experience as both teacher and poet to show us how to read even difficult modern poems with pleasure. She analyzes the work of a number of poets and also discusses some of her own poems, showing how the creative process unfolds.

This edition of his works, with Introduction, Notes, Comments, and Bibliography, includes all Browne's major pieces and selections from his minor papers and letters. The Notes are designed to help the student understand Browne's references, and the Introduction provides an account of his life and an analysis of his baroque style against the background of seventeenth-century literature.

Government regulation of the railroads is probably the most important example of federal intervention in the economy from the Civil War to World War I. It is also a key to an assessment of the impulses and motives behind Progressivism. In Railroads and Regulation, Gabriel Kolko presents a case study of the relationship of the economy to the political process in the United States during the years from 1877 to 1916.The author discusses the extent to which the railroad industry encouraged and relied on national political solutions--such as the creation of the first significant federal regulatory agency, the Interstate Commerce Commission, in 1887--to its economic problems. He shows how this reliance created a pattern of interdependence between economic and political power that set a precedent for government regulation of the economy in the twentieth century. Drawing on new material and manuscript sources, Dr. Kolko describes the roles of the railroad men in the movement for federal regulation. The attitudes of the railroads toward regulation are placed in the broader context of the determination of governmental economic policies--policies frequently formulated in response to railroad pressure.Dr. Kolko traces the continuity in governmental regulation between 1877 and 1900 and during the administration of Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson, with fresh material of Progressive leaders in the period from 1910 to 1916. He analyzes the origin of each major federal railroad act and the contending forces trying to shape the legislation, and gives an illuminating discussion of the relationship of the state and federal regulation.Railroads and Regulation, 1877-1916 was awarded the Transportation History Prize of the Organization of American Historians.

Some of the criticism was bitter and some ridiculous (one critic wrote, "Manet, who ought not to have forgotten the panic caused by his black cat in Olympia, has borrowed a parrot from his friend Courbet and placed it on a perch beside a young lady in a pink dressing gown. These realists are capable of anything!"), some knowledgeable and some not. Mr. Hamilton's book assesses the range of these reactions, and the result is an illuminating study of the relation of Manet's painting and its principles to the contemporary practices of 19th-century French art.

The Free Corps Movement had its origins in the pre-war youth movement and on the battlefields of the war. The returning soldiers, embittered by defeat, believing themselves betrayed by a cowardly government, and psychologically incapable of demobilizing, formed into volunteer bands throughout Germany. These groups, immensely powerful by 1919, were hired by the newly established Weimar Republic to fight against the Communists. They fought for the Republic (which they despised) from Munich to Berlin, from Düsseldorf to the Baltic. When the Republic tried to disband them, they went underground until they emerged in Hitler's Germany.The savage actions and warped ideology of the men whom Hermann Goering called "the first soldiers of the Third Reich" are revealed in this book by contemporary newspaper accounts, government documents, and previously untranslated memoirs of the Free Corp fighters themselves. With this material, Mr. Waite substantiates the thesis that National Socialism began in the months and years immediately following World War I, and that the history of the Free Corps Movement--its ideas, attitudes, and organization--is an indispensable part of Germany's history in the inter-war period and the Second World War.

Discusses the symbols, values, and beliefs that influence individual roles and relationships and relates them to conscious and unconscious experiences.

In Walk Together, Talk Together, Katharine Kinkead has written an informative and moving book about the AFS exchange program and its diversified operations.

"This is an insightful, tenderly written autobiography by one of the early mothers of Psychoanalysis. Born in Poland in 1884, Deutsch was a close student of Sigmund Freud: ironically she has been considered 'more Freudian than Freud.'"--

Penelope becomes the victim of a cruel hoax. Ferneydale, now a rich novelist, once proposed to her, but she turned him down. He married Sophie, although he had a string of mistresses and young boys. Penelope married Caspar, but he is withdrawn, scholarly, boring, and unsuccessful. There are many twists to this tale, not least the final surprise.

Agha Shahid Ali died in 2001, mourned by myriad lovers of poetry and devoted students. This volume, his shining legacy, moves from playful early poems to themes of mourning and loss, culminating in the ghazals of Call Me Ishmael Tonight. The title poem appears in print for the first time.from "The Veiled Suite"I wait for him to look straight into my eyesThis is our only chance for magnificence.If he, carefully, upon this hour of ice,will let us almost completely crystallize,tell me, who but I could chill his dreaming night.Where he turns, what will not appear but my eyes?Wherever he looks, the sky is only eyes.Whatever news he has, it is of the sea.

Reading a poem or a novel, seeing a play or a film, is a special kind of experience. Yet the essential nature of that experience has remained a mystery. Philosophers have discussed the writer's role, and critics the writer's craft, but there has been little disciplined inquiry into the relation of literature to people's minds-the way in which people re-create within themselves the literary experience. Norman Holland approaches the problem armed with a thorough understanding of psychoanalytic concepts, and develops a comprehensive theory of the psychology of literature that deals with poetry, theater, and film, as well as with fiction, myth, pornography, and humor.

Power is an interpersonal situation: those who hold power depend on a continuing stream of empowering responses. Are there "born leaders" and "born followers"? Is there a basic political type, or a certain kind of personality that seeks power? What implications do the motives for getting and using power have for democratic forms of government? In the light of recurrent challenges to democracy, and growing interest in psychological factors in those who govern, Harold D. Lasswell's classic study offers a wide-ranging introduction to these vital concerns.

The Condemned of Altona is an act of judgment on the twentieth century, which might have been an admirable era (the closing lines tell us) if man had not been threatened by 'the cruel enemy who had sworn to destroy him, that hairless, evil, flesh-eating beast-man himself. 'All the characters in the play are defendants, trapped inside the frame of the proscenium as securely as Eichmann within his glass cage in Jerusalem; their judge is the past, and its verdict is without mercy. Two death penalties are imposed, and one sentence of solitary confinement for life. The stage, as so often in M. Sartre's hands, becomes a place of moral inquisition, at once a courtroom and a prison.

Setting out to examine the world context within which American foreign policy must function, Mr. Kennan faces the hard facts of Soviet expansion, the ambiguous and often chaotic forces in the non-communist world, and the enormous difficulty of maintaining a posture of dignity and restraint in our foreign affairs. He warns against the dangers of relying on rigid military solutions, of over-estimating the capacities of the United Nations and other international peace-keeping institutions, and, in general, of looking at international life as a mechanistic rather than an organic process. It is in the inner development of our national life that he believes we can find solutions to our external problems, for American foreign policy will take its shape from the goals of American society.

The Canton trade for almost a century had been the sole regulated channel between China and the Western world; as such, it had become the focus of many conflicts. Mr. Chang examines the development of this trading system and the British trade in China--a trade so valuable to the British that it was worth a war. He shows us the motives and tactics behind events in the crucial days of 1839, through Chinese and English eye-witness accounts, newspaper reports, official correspondence, private papers, British and American company records, and many newly available documents. He throws light on factors contributing to the conflict, such as the controversy over extra-territoriality, Britain's struggle for diplomatic equality in China, life in the foreign community confined at Canton, and the surrender and destruction of some 20,000 chests of British opium.Mr. Chang is especially interested in assessing the role of Imperial Commissioner Lin Tse-hsu, giving a clear, fresh look into the character, motives, and actions of this brilliant man who was sent by the emperor to stamp out the opium trade, and then callously made a scapegoat for all of China's woes with Britain.

This book deals with the impact of Taft's numerous inner conflicts and his decision-making ability--and, in particular, on his frequent failure to make decisions at all. Here is the evolution of Taft's conflicts and extraordinary dependencies, which began in childhood, were exacerbated by certain kinds of success--all of which were peculiarly illuminated by fluctuations in his weight.We also see his marriage to Helen Herron Taft, a woman whose influence was powerful--and that is perhaps the most significant key to our understanding of Taft's career. We see for the first time how the reluctant Taft was pushed into office by his indomitable wife. Here, too, is an analysis of his unique personal relationship with Theodore Roosevelt, a tragicomic affair that, when it broke up, left Taft demoralized. Perhaps far more than most men who have achieved great public office, Taft was a product and a victim of his ties to those he loved.

Denikin came from a poor family and rose by merit through the army ranks. A brilliant field officer, he became a national hero in 1916 as commander of the "Iron Division" in the Brusilov offensive against the Austro-German armies. Churchill later credited the survival of the Allies to Russia's gallant efforts in this campaign.In the chaos following the fall of the Romanov dynasty in 1917, Denikin saw his duty as the defense of Russia and her people against Germany. Although he shared the liberal views of the Russian intelligentsia, he became an outspoken critic of the provisional government for its failure to maintain army discipline, and when the Bolsheviks, who were willing to sacrifice Russian soil to political ends, seized power, Denikin helped form the White Army to oppose them. Shortly after the outbreak of the civil war in 1918, Denikin assumed political and military command of the White movement in South Russia, which at its high tide in 1919 governed forty-two million people.In this definitive biography the author uses Denikin's letters and unpublished papers to show us firsthand the terrible winter campaigns on the steppes, the diplomatic maneuvers, and the personalities of the period. Denikin himself emerges as a sensitive man, isolated by unsought responsibility for the lives of his countrymen.

Bobby Baker was a small-town southern boy when he arrived in Washington in 1943, but he had a sure sense of political clout. He soon knew which senator wanted what done-almost before the senator knew himself. Senator Robert Kerr was the first instrument of Bobby Baker's rise. He found an even more powerful sponsor in Lyndon Johnson, and he rose with Johnson until no doors were closed to him. He tells here a unique insider's story of the always fascinating ways of power in the Congress of the United States.